Tuesday, July 31, 2012

Greece: Police in new clashes at steel plant


July 23, 2012
Riot police clashed with protesting steel workers outside a factory near Athens on Monday, in a labor dispute that has triggered a political spat in the crisis-hit country. Police said they used pepper spray and scuffled with protesters, when about 150 demonstrators challenged a cordon west of the capital. No arrests were reported.
On Friday, police ended a strike at the private steel plant that had lasted nearly nine months, clashing with protesters on a picket line, after a court declared the strike illegal.
Left wing opposition parties are backing the steelworkers’ demands, accusing the new conservative-led government of acting like “gangsters.”And late Monday they organized a rally in central Athens, joined by several thousand people.
Nikolaos Harakopoulos, deputy leader of the protesting steel workers’ union, accused the government of undermining talks also involving his union and employers to try and resolve the dispute.
“As long as they try to deceive us, the more stubborn steel workers become,” Harakopoulos told the AP. “We have made very flexible proposals to rehire workers who were laid off. But, instead, they brought the riot police … If they use bullying tactics and violence, we will stay to the end — as many as we can — to continue the struggle.”
Protesters chanting “We can’t live on €400 ($485) a month,” marched to parliament before the rally ended peacefully.
Unions are demanding that employers at the

In Solidarity with Students in Captivity, who Resist Fascism in Turkey!


17 July 2012
ATIK – YDG  | 17 – 07 – 2012 | There are currently 771 students kept in prisons because they claimed their right to equal, free, scientific education and lessons to be in their mother tongue. They faced disciplinary actions, suspensions, repression, violence and imprisonment due to their opposing stance. This, once again proves that the ruler have no forbearance to any kind of opposing and demand for rights.
Those students who fight for their rights are seen as “a head to axe before it grows”. Universities are no longer institutions of science, wisdom and intellectualism where students research, debate and develop their knowledge in social and political matters; they are instead turned into private factories with rote, competitive, non-scientific, unqualified education to create its homogenised human type. The fascist TC State continues all its attacks on those who oppose, stand against and speak up to its brutal doings. The ruling fascist mentality doubles the force of its attacks when revolutionary or Kurdish students are involved. People’s youth, particularly the Kurdish youth are targeted and arrested without any evidence. They arrest these young people for reading legal books and papers, attending press conferences, and as in the example of Cihal Kirmizigul, they get arrested for wearing a “pusi” which is a traditional middle eastern scarf which became a very trendy fashion item all around the world and was worn by all off the large party leaders in Turkey during their visits to the east.
AHM-ATİK News Center

canada -Hypothèse du MER : Élections bourgeoises et démocratie populair


Hypothèse : Les élections qui seront déclenchées seront l’occasion privilégiée de porter un coup supplémentaire aux institutions et à l’ordre bourgeois.
 

Quel sens auront les élections dans le contexte de la crise actuelle ?
À qui peut profiter ce nouveau terrain de lutte politique ?
Est-ce l’occasion pour le peuple d’exercer son pouvoir, d’affirmer sa volonté démocratique, comme on le dit souvent ?
 
Nous considérons que les élections serviront d’abord à permettre au gouvernement de reprendre le contrôle de la situation, de rétablir son autorité. Elles serviront à cautionner les politiques nécessaires au capitalisme pour réchapper de sa crise. Pour le mouvement de lutte, l’erreur serait d’espérer gagner des positions en se prêtant au jeu des élections, en cherchant à battre le gouvernement sur son propre terrain. Ce serait sous-estimer l’adversaire.
 
Mais nous n'avons  pas à nous laisser imposer ce terrain miné. Nous pouvons faire dérailler la tactique électorale, la retourner contre le gouvernement pour que ce dernier sorte de l’exercice plus discrédité et affaibli que jamais.
Pour cela, il faudra refuser massivement de participer aux élections et le faire de manière organisée, visible et sonore. Il faudra nous-mêmes faire campagne – pas pour faire « sortir le vote », mais au contraire pour dénoncer cette supercherie. Il faudra surtout opposer aux élections bourgeoises l’expression d’un véritable contre-pouvoir populaire : la participation directe des masses à une lutte qui se poursuit et se développe sous des formes nouvelles. 
La grève étudiante et la question du pouvoir
En opposant au gouvernement un refus obstiné de se soumettre à ses politiques injustes et en inspirant par cette attitude courageuse la mobilisation directe de dizaines de milliers de personnes, la grève étudiante a mis à jour une contradiction fondamentale de notre société : malgré l’apparente paix sociale qui règne généralement, deux pouvoirs opposés s’affrontent, deux légitimités politiques irréconciliables se font face. D’une part les masses en lutte pour leurs conditions de vie, leur dignité et leur émancipation, d’autre part l’État bourgeois dont le rôle est de maintenir à flot l’économie capitaliste et de protéger les positions de la classe dominante. C’est ce qu’on appelle la lutte des classes. Comme on le voit partout dans le monde, le rôle de l’État bourgeois dans la lutte des classes à l’heure actuelle est de faire avaler aux populations de sévères politiques d’austérité pour rescaper le capitalisme enlisé dans la crise. La hausse des frais de scolarité au Québec fait partie du programme d’austérité. 
Le développement de cette contradiction – par l’affirmation croissante de la force des différents mouvements de lutte – met les gouvernements et les capitalistes devant un choix tactique : celui de faire des concessions (jusqu’à la prochaine bataille) ou de répondre par davantage de répression. Mais ni l’une ni l’autre de ces tactiques n’empêchera jamais les luttes de reprendre avec plus de vigueur. Lorsque cette contradiction fondamentale sera poussée à sa limite extrême, elle débouchera sur une véritable révolution. Le peuple ne luttera plus en segments séparés pour des revendications qui touchent un aspect particulier et limité de son existence : l’accès à l’éducation, le maintien des emplois et le niveau des salaires, la sécurité sociale, etc. Il
mènera un combat unifié derrière l’objectif de renverser définitivement l’État bourgeois pour enfin remplacer le système capitaliste par une société égalitaire, sans classe sociale.
 
L’intérêt de la bourgeoisie, c’est d’empêcher à tout prix le développement de cette contradiction vers une issue révolutionnaire qui lui serait fatale. Elle doit contenir l’expression du pouvoir populaire dans la lutte des classes à son niveau le plus faible. Après en avoir perdu le contrôle dans la crise sociale actuelle malgré les mesures policières et politiciennes habituelles, la bourgeoisie aura maintenant recours à une de ses
armes de prédilection pour écarter les menaces à son pouvoir : les élections.
 
Le rôle des élections dans une démocratie bourgeoise
Dans notre société capitaliste, les élections sont l’instrument par lequel la bourgeoisie réaffirme et restaure périodiquement l’autorité de son État. C’est particulièrement le cas en temps de crise, lorsque la légitimité de cet État est en chute libre et que sa capacité à gouverner est mise à mal. Les élections réaffirment la légitimité de la loi et de l’ordre. L’effet des élections est de déplacer la lutte de la rue – où le peuple se réapproprie
collectivement du pouvoir en s’exprimant et en agissant directement – vers l’espace clos de la politique parlementaire – où des politiciens professionnels parlent et agissent à la place du peuple. Or cet espace, il est tout entier contrôlé par la bourgeoisie. C’est elle qui finance les grands partis qui s’échangent le pouvoir, elle qui en dirige les appareils. C’est elle qui détient les grands groupes médiatiques qui construisent l’opinion publique et où se déroule une grande partie des campagnes électorales. Elle encore qui emploie une armée de lobbies, de groupes de pression et de « think tank » divers pour marteler son idéologie et monopoliser l’espace publique.

Le peuple, de son côté, est réduit à un acte de pouvoir dérisoire, celui du vote dans l’isoloir. Toute sa souveraineté tient en ce geste individuel : cocher une case une fois aux quatre ans. Après s’être exécutéE, le citoyen ou la citoyenne n’a plus aucun contrôle sur la marche de l’État, sur les lois et les choix budgétaires. Il ou elle n’a qu’à attendre les prochaines élections. Le pouvoir se trouve entre les mains de quelques dizaines de députéEs-ministres qui ont pleine autorité, sont pratiquement irrévocables et ne sont surtout pas tenus de respecter leurs promesses électorales. En fait le vrai pouvoir demeure entre les mains des grands capitalistes, qui financent aussi bien les caisses des partis politiques que les dettes de l’État. Ce sont eux qui détiennent les leviers économiques leur permettant d’imposer un programme politique au gouvernement, indépendamment du parti en place.
 La tête de Charest
Rétablir l’autorité de son État – tous partis confondus – contre les assemblées étudiantes, populaires, les manifestations, les actions, les revendications, c’est bien ce que la bourgeoisie québécoise espère des prochaines élections. Ses idéologues et porte-parole officieux, les éditorialistes des grands médias de masse, nous traduisent clairement son état d’esprit, et notamment ses réflexions tactiques. Ils nous ont déjà annoncé le rôle que prendront les élections dans la crise sociale. 
Ainsi André Pratte du journal La Presse : « […] les étudiants devraient reprendre leurs cours et transporter leur mobilisation de la rue aux bureaux de scrutin » (9 mai 2012). « Voilà le choix auquel font face tous les
acteurs de la crise actuelle: la démocratie ou la violence de la rue. » (22 mai 2012). En effet, il faut choisir. Et le choix des moyens politiques dépend essentiellement du camp où l’on se situe : celui du peuple ou celui de la bourgeoisie ?
Quelle tactique adopter face aux élections ?

Plusieurs seront tentéEs d’utiliser les élections pour faire avancer la lutte étudiante et la lutte populaire. Ne peut-on pas s’en servir comme d’un moyen de lutte parmi d’autres, en cherchant notamment à appuyer le « moindre mal » parmi les aspirants au pouvoir bourgeois ? Ne pourrait-on pas « voter utile » en appuyant le Parti québécois, seul capable de nous débarrasser de Charest ? Ou encore faire élire quelques députéEs de
Québec solidaire qui tiendront dans l’opposition un discours un peu plus à gauche ?

En participant aux élections – peu importe d’ailleurs pour qui l’on vote –, on participe à construire la légitimité du parti qui en sortira vainqueur. Les règles étant ce qu’elles sont, on lui reconnaît le droit d’exercer le pouvoir et d’appliquer son programme ou toute autre politique qu’il lui plaira. Ce que nous choisissons en allant voter, ce n’est pas d’abord tel ou tel parti, telle promesse électorale, ni même tel ou tel autre candidat. Ce que nous appuyons fondamentalement, ce sont les institutions du système parlementaire, c’est l’État capitaliste et la démocratie bourgeoise. Peu importent les motivations tactiques derrière notre vote, ce sont les éditorialistes qui se réserveront le droit d’en interpréter la signification et les partis électoralistes qui s’en réclameront pour justifier leurs propres actes.

Quel que soit le parti qui prendra la tête de l’État aux prochaines élections, il devra composer avec le fait que le capitalisme peine à sortir de la crise. En dépit des promesses, il devra appliquer des mesures d’austérité nécessaires au rétablissement des taux de profits. Il devra poursuivre, à quelques nuances près, les politiques des gouvernements libéraux ou péquistes des trois dernières décennies : coupures, privatisations, tarification.
Si la participation aux élections n’est pas en mesure de nous donner la victoire, doit-on pour autant rester en retrait de la campagne et attendre que la bourgeoisie se soit refait une santé politique ? Au contraire, les élections sont pour nous l’occasion d’affaiblir encore davantage le pouvoir bourgeois en coupant l’herbe sous le pied de sa légitimité. Les élections doivent résulter en un vaste désaveu de tous les partis électoralistes. Il faut pour cela encourager le rejet des élections, l’abstention – qui est déjà très élevée. Plus
encore il faut organiser ce rejet non comme une simple passivité, mais comme un mouvement qui agit et qui affirme lui-même ouvertement les raisons de sa rupture. La critique des élections doit se déployer dans une campagne d’agitation-propagande, dans des manifestations et des actions d’éclat. 
 
Enfin, la campagne électorale doit être l’occasion d’opposer au pouvoir bourgeois les seuls espaces où se situe notre réel pouvoir : nos assemblées, nos organisations, nos revendications et nos luttes pour les faire triompher. Dans le contexte actuel, ça signifie que, appuyée activement par la mobilisation des quartiers populaires, la grève étudiante doit reprendre jusqu’au retrait de la hausse des frais de scolarité et de la loi spéciale
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Nepal - Kiran and China - discussions in mlm organisations

NEPAL: El camarada Kiran dio una rueda de prensa en las oficinas del PCN-maoísta para informar de su reciente visita a China.



CPN-Maoist chairman Mohan Baidya speaking at a press conference organised at the party's central
office, Buddha Nagar, to inform about his recent China visit, on Thursday, 26 July 2012. nepalnew.com/ANA

LUMINOSO FUTURO Y SUS CRITICAS AL CAMARADA KIRAN Y AL PCN-maoísta.

A continuación publicamos una critica al camarada Quibian Gaytan y a sus posiciones de falsa izquierda.

El blog del Colectivo Luminoso Futuro de Panama desata un furibundo ataque contra el camarada Kiran y al PCN-maoísta por su reciente visita a la china revisionista. Lo pinta de todos los colores pero si leemos con atención el articulo descubriremos los argumentos de los maoístas del Nepal para esta visita.
El camarada Gaytan parece ignorar el grave peligro que vive Nepal de ser desmembrado e integrado en la Unión India potencia hegemonica principal . La camarilla revisionista de Prachanda / Bhattarai que firmó con la India lesivos acuerdos para la independencia del Nepal, no solo destruyo el antiguo partido maoísta y 10 años de guerra popular sino que actuando como agentes de la India han conspirado para hacer de la Republica de Nepal una simple marioneta en sus manos. Pero de ello no habla para nada el camarada Gaytan ¿por que?
El entrevistarse con enemigos, que puntualmente se alinean contra un tercero es una practica política que forma parte del arte de la guerra desde la antiguedad. El propio Presidente Mao lo hizo en ocasiones ¿Era por ello un renegado? ¿Y el camarada Stalin?
Evidentemente la respuesta es no, Gaytan acusa al camarada Kiran y a los maoístas de actuar de agentes de los revisionistas chinos furiosos porque una "federacion" con la India "alejaria el bocado nepali de la boca del hijo del sol" Curioso argumento cuando llama "federación" a una anexion de los imperialistas de la India del Nepal que resulta al parecer menos peligroso que una declaración del gobierno revisionista chino opuesta a la misma.
Acierta cuando señala la hipocresia de los revisionistas de Pekin, su pragmatismo y su sutil manejo de las contradicciones internacionales, pero no debe de estrañarnos, son revisionistas y renegados pero no idiotas camarada Gaytan.
Camarada, Ud, se ha equivocado, la delegación del PCN-maoísta no fue a China de peregrinaje ni a mendigar ningún reconocimiento. No han firmado acuerdos lesivos para los intereses del pueblo de Nepal eso camarada, ya lo hace Prachanda y compañia con la India.
Somos de la opinion que deben de reflexionar sobre estas cuestiones y hacer una autocritica de esta valoración izquierdista en la forma pero derechista en el fondo.
Para concluir queremos recordar que hoy el termino pensamiento Mao Tse-tung no se utiliza pues el maoismo es tercera y superior etapa del marxismo-leninismo. Suponemos que en esto no hay discrepancias, ¿o no?

Dazibao Rojo-redacción.

Anexo texto del camarada Gaytan sujeto a critica.

 

LA PANDILLA REVISIONISTA KIRAN-VAIDYA SE COLUDEN CON LAS REACCIONARIAS AUTORIDADES SOCIALFASCISTAS YSOCIALIMPERIALISTAS PEKINESAS EN DAÑO DE LOS TRABAJADORES DE NEPAL

por Quibian Gaytan

 
Inmediatamente después de separar tolda del revisionista PCN-U, del dúo Battarai-Prachanda, Kiran y otros (PCN-“maoísta") han ido en peregrinación forzada a la nueva Meca… digo, al Pekín socialimperialista a ofrecer incienso y sal. Esto es, sometimiento neocolonial y vasallaje ante las fascistas autoridades chinas. Vaidya, presidente del nuevo partido “maoísta” nepalés, que a hecho parte de la delegación, a su regreso ha declarado: “Los líderes chinos han expresado su preocupación por la creciente interferencia extranjera en Nepal, con el pretexto de la federación de los estados ". Esto es, su rechazo a la anexión de Nepal por la India, bajo el pretexto de “federación” entre los dos Estados; cosa que, obviamente, alejaría el bocado nepalí de la boca del hijo del Sol.

Y sin mencionar a ningún país, empero señalando con los ojos a la India, según lo dicho por Vaidya “los líderes chinos le han advertido de la conspiración fraguada por parte de algunos centros de poder internacionales para desintegrar el país en nombre de la adopción de una estructura federal”. Además, como para remachar el clavo, si alguna duda subsistiese, lanzaron una estocada a fondo: “no hay tratados desiguales entre Nepal y China, mientras que hay los tratados desiguales entre Nepal y la India, que tienen que ser desechada”. Esto en directa señal al dúo revisionista pro-hindú Battarai-Prachanda, los que ya se han embarcado en esa dirección.

Vaidya, por su parte, ha remarcado tal preocupación de China como positiva y que "China ha denominado PCN-Maoísta como una verdadera fuerza luchando por salvaguardar la independencia nacional del país, además de trabajar por el bienestar de las personas en el verdadero sentido", ¡”Verdadera fuerza” y “verdadero sentido”!, palabra proverbiales. Los socialfascistas chinos, mostrándonos una vez más su hipócrita y pragmático oportunismo en política exterior, se montan en dos caballos a la misma vez: por un lado, Prachanda el cual ya hizo anteriormente su peregrinaje a Pekín y, ese de Khiran y Vaidya a los que zalameramente se les bendice como “como una fuerza nacionalista de verdad”. Tal dualidad política pretenden ellos hacérnosla tragar como consecuente desinteresada actitud e inclusive comunista ya que no maoísta. ¡Que basura!

¿Qué de maoísta puede tener una política, como en la que realizan los neorevisionistas Khiran y Vaidya, el mendigar reconocimiento para su partido de parte de una renegada camarilla dirigente socialfascista, socialimperialista y hegemonista como la de Hu Jintao que aplasta a sangre y fuego a su propia clase obrera y a las naciones recolonizadas al interior de China?
¿Cómo estos encallecidos neo revisionistas de Khiran y Vaidya pueden encontrar palabras justificativas de su política antimarxista-leninista-maoísta de venta de la soberanía nacional de su patria al imperialismo chino?

¿Cómo se puede pretender ser maoísta “de línea dura” cuando, en los hechos, se subordina desvergonzadamente a la línea negra revisionista de los zusipais encaramados en el poder en la China capitalista e imperialista?

El absolver todas estas interrogantes desenmascara a la pandilla neorevisionista Khiran-Vaidya, como a todo el flamante PCN-maoísta, como una banda contrarrevolucionaria actuante en daño del pueblo, de la revolución de nueva democracia popular y del futuro socialista de Nepal.

Los trabajadores comunistas de Nepal deben tirar esos dos viejos caballos revisionistas al basurero y bregar firme e intransigentemente por dar vida a un auténtico e independiente Partido Comunista de Nuevo Tipo, basado en el Marxismo-Leninismo-Pensamiento de Mao Tse-tung.
Sin comentarios:

A MODO DE REPUESTA A UNA CRÍTICA DE DAZIBAO ROJO. Respuesta del camarada Gaytan a nuestra crítica..

por Quibian Gaytan




Con espíritu camaraderil me hacen Ustedes una crítica pública, en defensa de los señores Kiran y PCNm. Lo único de lamentar es que hacen pública una discrepancia que no era con Ustedes y asumiéndola como propia, violando para eso procedimientos de tratamiento tradicionales entre Organismo comunistas. Creo eso ha sido un equivoco, puesto que en momento alguno han intentado Ustedes tratar directamente las diferencias de puntos de vistas sobre Nepal y las tribulaciones de los maoístas nepalíes conmigo. ¿No tenían mí dirección de correo? Total el Rubicón ha sido cruzado.
 

GALIZA: Comunicado do C..C. do PCmaoísta de Galiza con motivo do da Patria galega

.


“Para chegar à libertaçâo completa, os povos oprimidos  devem apoiar-se em primeiro lugar na sua própria luta, e só despois na ajuda internacional. Os povos cujas revoluçôes ja triunfaran deben ajudar aos que ainda lutan pola sua liberaçâo. Esse é nosso deber internacionalista.”

Mao Tse-tung  (1963)


Ao Pobo galego:

No día da Patria Galega o Comité de Construcción  do Partido Comunista maoísta de Galiza quere no primeiro lugar  saudar as masas do pobo traballador galego e rendir un sentido homenaxe a toda-las e todo-los os héroes que teñen dado sua vida pola clase obreira e o pobo traballador.
Estamos a viver unha situación de permanente agresión da burguesía contra os dereitos, mesmo democráticos, dos traballadores e traballadoras.
A burguesía financieira, fracción especuladora e parasitaria que a nivel internacional impon, a gobernos  monicreques como o do Estado español, seus dictados profundamente lesivos para a clase obreira e o pobo traballador.

Na Galiza o proletariado carece dun partido de novo tipo, un partido diferente a todo-los da burguesía e seu sistema capitalista de explotación.
A construcción do mesmo é tarefa central para que no marco de Revolución Socialista fagamos realidade a proclamación dunha Republica Socialista na Galiza que en pé de igualdade cos demáis pobos da península Iberica decida seu destino.

A construcción do partido do proletariado, armado coa ideoloxia revolucionaria do marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo é o único garante de avantar na revolución que poña fin á opresión de clase e nacional.
Partido que aplique dun xeito creativo a ideoloxía proletaria as condicións concretas da revolución na Galiza.
O vello Estado español, a monarquía heredeira do franquismo e mesmo suas Autonomías carecen de toda lexitimidade para decider noso destino.
Os vellos partidos políticos do sistema, incluso dos da chamada “esquerda,” non son, nunca o foron, instrumentos ao servizo do pobo, como moito teñen a función de maquillar e lexitimar o vello Estado.
Que ninguen se engane!  Os cantos se sereas ou as balas almibaradas da burguesía non poden mercar ou ferir ao  millores fillos do pobo galego.

Coma suliñou o camarada Mao Tse-tung temos que desechar as ilusions e prepararnos para loitar. Esto non significa abandoar os noso ideais, significa que temos que loitar por eles desechando o podre camiño burgues.

Viva o Dia da Patria Galega!

Viva o Proletariado galego parte indivisible do proletariado internacional!

Viva a Revolución Proletaria Mundial!

Outro mundo é posible se facemos a Revolución Socialista!

Abaixo o vello Estado español e todo-los explotadores!


Galiza, Día da Patria Galega 2012

Comité de Construcción

Partido Comunista maoísta da Galiza.

maoist road and nepal

for all comrades

maoist road supports the birth of new PCNmaoist in Nepal, this does not mean that we are agree for all positions and actions of this party. The same is for others mlm parties and organisations in the world.
we don't agree declaration of comrade Kiran about China and China travel.
 maoist road

maoist road

All our international work is for the nexts appointments
- support international conference India in Hamburg 24 november 2012, promoved from international committe of support people's war in india and BGIA hamburg
- diffusion and discussions in all the world of the 2 resolutions of special meeting  of some parties and organisations of the RIM for the task of preparation Seminar and International Conference Parties and Organisations mlm in the world in the 2013.
These two resolutions are the most avanced and clear references for ICM mlm today against revisionism Prachanda-Avakian new syntesis and  dogmatic cyberleftism.
- issue of special number of MAOIST ROAD revew, we hope in september 2012

maoistroad
31 luglio 2012

Thursday, July 26, 2012

Hamburg, 24th of November: everybody to the International Conference in Support of People's War in India

 

Support the People’s War in India!


The bosses of world imperialist system carry out an offensive against the peoples of the world. Imperialist wars of aggression as those against Iraq, Afghanistan and Libya, mark the beginning of the century. They prepare the next war against Syria, Iran or any other, because one thing is certain, that they are not going to stop voluntarily. At the same time, they impose on people the consequences of the crisis, especially on the peoples in the oppressed nations, but also in the imperialist countries themselves, the working class is constantly trampled and their fundamental rights are quickly stolen away. In this situation, fascism is not a nebulous threat, but an active force. At the same time, the imperialists systematically destroy the planet. All this is well known. This shows that imperialism is reaction all along the line, it shows that imperialism is not consistent with the progress of humanity and, indeed, the survival of an ever larger part of the world population. “The end of history” that the imperialists announced loudly since the nineties, is a hell for the proletariat and peoples of the world. But, more oppression spurs more resistance, and so, from Peru to the Philippines, from the British Islands to China, from Colombia to Kurdistan, from Nigeria to Greece, all around the world, the countries want independence, the nations liberation, and the peoples revolution. This is the basis for a current that will bury imperialism. The problem is, in many cases, that the struggle against imperialism is limited only to the resistance with no prospect but the mere survival. Therefore, in order to develop this resistance as a powerful wave of anti-imperialist and revolutionary struggles, the conscious organized factor is required to be able to lead the consequent struggle to establish the people’s Power. Hence, it is worth the effort to take a look on India.

India, which the ruling classes cynically present as the Shining India” and a supposed example of that imperialism brings “development”, is a heaven for the rich and hell for the people. While the wealth of the 53 richest people in the country is equal to 31% of GDP, the 77% of the population live with an income of less than 20 rupees (approximately 50 Euro cents) a day. Every day 5,000 children die from starvation and malnutrition, that is almost two million child deaths per year. The percentage of hungry people is greater than in Ethiopia. The agrarian crisis, a direct result of the imperialist policy, causes immense misery to the peasantry and results in a wave of suicides, with hundreds of thousands of desperate peasants who have committed suicide. “The greatest democracy in the world”, is a country in which the big bourgeoisie and landlords do what they please. A country where the caste system is still fully intact. Where different minorities, different nationalities and peoples are forced to live in a “prison-house of nations”. In order to increase the imperialist exploitation, they established Special Economic Zones, where the so-called “transnational” companies can operate without limits. Tens of millions of people are forced to become internal refugees, because they are expelled from the land where their ancestors have since thousands of years, so that Capital can steal the raw materials existing there. We could mention many other examples, this might fill all a book, the question is clear: the anti-imperialistic and anti-feudal revolution is a necessity for the vast majority of the people of India.

This revolution is ongoing. Under the leadership of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) a people’s war develops - described by the most important representatives of the ruling classes as the greatest danger for their system. In the countryside there are thousands of organizations of the genuine people’s power. In the Revolutionary People's Committees, those who for centuries have had nothing have started to construct their own state. They organize with their own forces a society where there is no hunger, where there is education and health, and the land belongs to who tills it. There are no landlords or lackeys of the imperialists. There, the needs of the people are law. There, they live the true democracy, the new democracy of the people. In the cities, the mass organizations are advancing by leaps, in February this year the working class of India has carried out the biggest strike in history of humanity, involving 100 million people, and the ruling classes are terrified by the growing influence of the Maoists. The People's War stirs the deepest foundations of society.

The ruling classes and their imperialist bosses - how could it be otherwise? - are not sitting quiet with folded arms watching the advance of the revolutionary movement. They act as always and everywhere have done; they seek to drown in blood the struggle of the people. “Specialists” in counterinsurgency from U.S. and Israeli Mossad are there to assist on the field the repressive forces. Paramilitary State forces are fighting daily against the guerrillas - the so-called paramilitaries are militarily organized and armed. The Army and Air Force every time more openly takes part in the fighting. The reactionary state has launched barbaric reactionary campaigns such as: Salwa Judum, "Green Hunt", among others, and implemented a policy that is comparable to the Nazi campaign against anti-fascist resistance in World War II. They apply systematic murder, torture and “disappearances” against the revolutionary leaders.

But the people do not summit. The people’s war advances without stopping, with the clear course in direction of seizing Power. This is possible, since the conscious and organized factor, which we have spoken about above, exists and is able to consistently lead the fight to the end. Their struggle is just and it is an internationalist duty to give them our full and unwavering support. The People's War in India has to merge with the struggle of peoples around the world and be a part of the great revolutionary current that will ultimately defeat imperialism. The development of a consistent anti-imperialist movement in a country of 1.2 billion people will change the balance of forces between imperialism and the oppressed nations, and therefore it would be a great boost for the revolutionary forces around the world. To support this movement does not mean only to fulfill an obligation, but to serve the advancement of our movement in all countries.

It is in this sense that we organize an international conference on 24 November this year in Hamburg. We hope that this conference will be a major boost to the international movement of support to the People's War in India. Delegations from different countries will participate in it and through this they will bring their experiences and ideas on how to raise this campaign to a higher level. We want a conference that expresses the initiative, the energy and the anti-imperialist and revolutionary will of proletarians, women, youth, immigrants, progressive artists and intellectuals. We do not want it to be only a formal act, but a living expression of proletarian internationalism, so that it may serve to give concrete progresses to the campaign of support. The conference is open to all forces who share this objective. Therefore:

Everybody to the International Conference in Support of the War in India!


for further information:
Bündnis gegen imperialistische Aggress
indien_hh@yahoo.de csgpindia@gmail.com

International Committee of support of People's War in India
csgpondia@gmail.com

Monday, July 23, 2012

Nepal - Chairman Kiran speaks on continuing the revolution

Kiran, chairman of the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist
This is from World’s People’s Resistance Movement of Britain. This uncut-hour long audio is from the press conference organized on June 19th by the newly formed Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist. The question and answer session is available in Nepali. Thanks to Comrade Pooja for taking her time to make this audio available in English transcription. And thanks to World People’s Resistance Movement of Britain for circulating this.
Q: How do you justify the formation of the new party?
How should people understand this?
A: – Communist party is a party for the benefit of the proletariat and the people. In the case of Nepal, the aim of a communist party remains to move forward, raising the issues of safeguarding national sovereignty; people’s democracy and livelihood then ultimately leap towards socialism and communism. This is self-proven.In the process of attaining this aim we went through people’s war, and did considerable amount of work among and with the people. We built our base areas, practiced our newly formed people’s power but then conciliation took place amidst as we moved forward to build a new Nepal.
In the process of attaining this aim we went through people’s war, and did considerable amount of work among and with the people. We built our base areas, practiced our newly formed people’s power but then conciliation took place amidst as we moved forward to build a new Nepal.
I’m not saying that we shouldn’t compromise, we should but while compromising , the act of abandoning  our entire  basis (achievements) has happened. The act of slipping down from our mission and objectives has happened. The dream we carried was of a constitutional assembly but where is the constitution? How did the constituent assembly function? Talking about people’s livelihood, how has the corruption been mounting-up. The fact is clearer. In the process of making a constitution there was an agreement to move forward institutionalizing the rights of the working class, indigenous people, ethnic minorities, women & dalit; including the rights of the oppressed class, region and gender but ditching all these primary issues of constitutional  thematic committees it is apparent that ex-chairman, Prachanda  surrendered everything to Congress & UML by forming a dispute resolution subcommittee under the constitutional committee.
In the process of making a constitution the question of ethnic-identity-based federalism is extremely important. Our party takes the decision of an ethnic-identity based federalism while in process of restructuring the state; Prachanda & Baburam joined their necks together with Congress-UML and agreed up on eleven anonymous federal states. The situation was that they were forced to take their decision back, as we and all others in the constituent assembly carried-out a signature collection campaign against their decision. They have failed to institutionalize ethnic-identity. It is important for us to do it.
Where are the prerequisites for women and dalits? There have been serious betrayals on these issues. That is why we want to raise all these issues again. Not only that, we are also talking about issues of national sovereignty. Since the bilateral investment promotion and protection agreement (BIPPA) was signed, now the issues of water resources agreement and extradition treaty have come to surface.
The main thing is that there has been a wrong tendency to maneuver our party as a puppet of imperialism and expansionism; along with this all the core concept of the party including the guiding principal has been distorted. We are against this. We cannot let our party function as a puppet of imperialism , expansionism and feudalism. We had to revolt in order to safequard people’s rights, interests and benefit. This is the main justification of the split.
Q: – In the past we have witnessed vicious confrontations between two factions after the split of Naxalite struggle in India. How are you cautious about bloodshed happening after the party split.? What is your view on the questions of the government?
A: – You raised the question of possible confrontation between two parties and the question of the Naxalite struggle in India, we are very cautious about this. There won’t be any such confrontation from our side. We won’t go into confrontation. It has been proven even in the history of our two -line struggle that we never exerted any physical force anywhere. Instead we have heard many cases of exertion of force by the Prachanda’s group in places. During that time we alerted the concerned party to be serious on the matter.
Therefore, firstly what I want to assure you is that we will not be exerting any physical force anywhere from our side. Secondly, we have to be extremely aware. There has been talk with Prachanda and other people within his circle that we have to be very serious  in these matters after separation of the party. Therefore, how to move forward is primarily dependent on Prachanda’s group. Not to become serious in this matter and exert physical force is against the democratic norms, it is a dictatorship to exert force instead of seeking a solution to the problem through discussions and debates in a communist party. That is fascism. No one accept dictatorship and fascism, including us. In such a situation the masses will resist these acts.
There are two things on the issues of how to move forward with other parties. Firstly we have to initiate talks with all the parties and reach an agreement in any issue that can be agreed upon. If anybody raises an issue that is in favor of the nation and the people we must have to support that. We have been supportive so far and that will continue. It doesn’t matter whether that be Congress-UML or a neo-revisionist camp, if they raise similar issues as we do, we support that but again the other important thing is that we should neither merge in the coalition of Congress-UML nor in the coalition of Baburam-Prachanda’s coalition of neo-revisionism. We will carry forward an independent revolutionary line of Nepalese politics.
Q: – There are allegations that the monarchy assisted you to split the party and you have got close tie with Gyanendra, do you have RIM’s support or not? Who played the role from the international community to split the party? Has the president got the right to dismiss the prime-minister, what is your say on this?
A: – Firstly, you raised the question of collaboration with Gyanendra, who told you this and where? Reveal the factual basis of this, substantiate and tell me. Secondly, in the process of a two-line struggle Baburam had accused Prachanda as pro-king and Prachanda had accused Baburam as pro-expansionist. This was documented in writing. Have you studied that written document or not? Did you understand that the pro-king and the pro-expansionist forces united together to attack us in the process of the two-line struggle? Thirdly, each and every political party has to have a capacity. That capacity means capacity of logical argument. When it’s not possible to annihilate someone through the means of factual arguments and debates then there will be malevolent attempts to label them as corrupt , to denigrate them through the means of conspiracy and deception. Fourthly, if  look at our programs, we ask for establishment of people’s federal republican state, emphasis on safeguarding the achievements of the ten years of the great people’s war, let us look at things from a factual basis; when we look from this basis those baseless allegations bear no truth at all. This isn’t anything but only false allegations hatched by the pro-Indian-expansionist elements.
Yes, we are in the RIM. There are many different parties in the RIM. You may even know what sort of discussions there are. Do you raise a question with the knowledge or without?
We used to be involved in the decision-making in the RIM. The RIM is actually not operative at this moment.
Perhaps you are trying to point to a particular party but we had fraternal relationship with all the parties involved in RIM and that continues.
Fraternal parties reserve some rights. Our communist party is a proletarian internationalist party. If any party involved in such an umbrella organization  slips into the quagmire of opportunism then the other parties oppose this and the international community  has clearly said that the Prachanda-Baburam gang has slipped into the quagmire of revisionism. Therefore, let’s forget about the RIM, any other genuine communist parties do not acknowledge that this gang is Marxist anymore. So, the issue of RIM, etc. is totally nonsense.
Again, power & greed; look at the agenda – the only and one agenda of Congress-UML is that the Baburam has to step down from the government. Probably this is a major cause of the dissolution of the constituent assembly  without forging any political resolution. On the other hand, the only agenda of Baburam is that he has to retain power. So these two camps are ready to abandon, and will abandon everything for power. Therefore, we are not in this controversy.
We are not in the row of their greed of power. As a tactic we have forwarded the agenda of multilateral roundtable conference. The so-called top leaders of these parties have become incapable to solve people’s problems.
We have put forward the agenda of the United Interim Government, and we have said that the problem can be solved from there. Therefore, we won’t involve in the corrupt power play of the government.
Q: – How will you make the constitution, you have claimed that there has been massive intervention by India, how have you scrutinized the new development? In the past you had formed COMPOSA, will it be continued?
A: – In the process of making the constitution the issue of Indian intervention has always been there since B.S 2007 (1951).
Firstly making a people’s constitution is not possible by collaborating and wrangling day and night-out with feudalists, compradors and bureaucratic bourgeoisie class. Secondly, making a new constitution involves the participation of all the oppressed people. Now this has been clearly proven.  Therefore, in such a situation the constitution cannot be made.
So whether the agenda is of reinstating the constituent assembly  or yet again another election, this is all incorrect. Now the political outlet has to be forged by conducting discussions and debates through a roundtable conference in a multilateral convention. Even if this process fails to make a new constitution then those who are in the line of federalism should begin the process of establishing people’s government at a local level. We have to move forward with the concept of establishing a people’s government even at the central level. It is completely nonsense to talk about making constitution without forming a pro-people government. We are  very clear on this issue.
We are also very clear about what we should do on the question of Indian intervention. Basically, it won’t  be wrong to say Nepal is a neo-colony of India. The act of destroying border-pillars by the Indian side  has been taking place on a daily basis, the border has been encroached in many places including Sustaa, Maheshpur and Kalapanee. Forget the other governments, even Prachanda and Baburam, who led the government from our own Maoist party could do  nothing to stop it happening but just became hopeless spectators. The intervention of Indian expansionism in all sectors – economic, political, social and strategic has been rapidly  gearing up. Indian expansionism is fulfilling its self-interest by providing space to Indian puppets in Nepal. Indian expansionism has no respect for the Nepalese. We respect Indian people but the Indian government points its evil eyes on the Nepalese on a regular basis.
There have been many unequal treaties with India since 1950. Instead of nullifying these unequal treaties, arrangements are being made to sign even more unequal treaties including Upper-Karnalee and Arun-III.  Baburam’s government has signed another water resource agreement with India. Therefore, we have been relentlessly insisting to nullify all these unequal treaties. In an interview with The Hindu, an Indian Newspaper, Prachanda claimed that we (Nepalese) have an exceptional relationship with India. Those who have exceptional relationship with India are parties like the Nepali Congress.
Now, Prachanda has also started to follow Nepali Congress. Therefore, we rigorously oppose all these trends. What we have said is that all the unequal treaties signed so far between India and Nepal has to be nullified in this 21st century, and arrangements to sign new coequal treaties that benefits Indian and the Nepalese people need to be made. If the intervention doesn’t stop, as we have been saying – we also have principal contradiction  with Indian expansionism, we will target our struggle of national sovereignty against bureaucratic bourgeoisie in Nepal as well as Indian expansionism.
Finally, you asked about COMPOSA (Coordination Committee of Maoist Parties and Organizations of South Asia), COMPOSA is not something to fear! This is an umbrella organization to struggle in the interest of patriotic, leftists and all other pro-people elements in the South-Asian region. This organization has been weakened for sometime now. We think about the ways to strengthen it again and carry on with it. The main thing is that if the imperialists, expansionists and opportunists conspire to weaken the people of any countries then the people and the pro-people forces also have to unite in tactic and form a united front to struggle.
Q: – In the process of forming a new party there are allegations that the new party is reminiscent of old alcohol in a new bottle, what do you want to say on this? And, what is the assurance that you will also not deviate from the revolutionary line? What do you think of a unity with Prachanda? Now, what will be your relationship with the existing state, will you divorce with it and begin to declare people’s governments as in the past?
A: – You indicted the new party as an old alcohol, on this what I want to say is – please at least look at our decisions carefully. If you examine our decisions carefully, then you will be able to discern whether the new party is old or new alcohol.
I think the word alcohol here has been fairly tainted but it would be better to understand the crux of the matter. We didn’t separate without valid reasons. Many things justify the reasons for this divorce. I have already said a lot about the issue of Indian expansionism – think about  it, can patriots and genuine republicans progress together with those who sign treaties like the bilateral investment promotion and protection agreement (BIPPA) and those who claim exceptional relationship with India? Can revolutionaries progress together with those who renounced all of the promises that were made to people in the process of the great people’s war and with those who cremated the constituent assembly by joining their necks together with the reactionaries and opportunists? We have to look at things from this perspective.
Talking about unity with Prachanda – unity is not feasible in such a situation.
It is not possible at all. We have kept the door to remain open if someone transforms themselves and comes to unite. This is the main thing. Even under this condition we will not go to Prachanda, he has to come to us.
On the question of separation with the old state, even a person with a very basic knowledge of Marxism knows that communists want to smash the old reactionary state and replace that with new people’s government. Not just this, beyond here we aim to abolish the existence of the states as a whole to establish a new world of humanism by creating stateless, classless society that is completely free of all forms of exploitations and oppressions. Our politics is fairly farsighted. We won’t  stick to the government as a leech like other rulers here do. We will continue to struggle to establish a new state, this is our main goal.
In the current situation, we will carefully think about what can be done for the benefit of the people and the country by limiting ourselves within the limitation of the current state and the existing law. Proletarians have utilized the parliament and the elections in the past. We cannot detach ourselves entirely from the principals of Marxism. We will decide what to do where by formulating policies through concrete analysis of the concrete situation.
Q: – What is the decision of the National Convention on the question of dissolution of the constituent assembly? Now that the party has ruptured, which faction has the majority, the new party or the establishment faction? You have mentioned about united front, who would you unite with in united front? Will you register a party or not? Will you still have comradeship with Prachanda & Baburam?
A: – We have already said a lot about the dissolution of the constituent assembly. There is a direct conspiracy of national and foreign reactionaries in dissolving the constituent assembly. The greediness of Baburam and the Nepali Congress to hold on to the power has also played some role here. It is well know to all that the autocratic behavior of those who have been proclaiming themselves as top leaders of the main four political parties has played a vital role in dissolving the constituent assembly. The autocratic behavior of these top leaders, which completely mismatched with the democratic practices and also bypassed the dignity of the 601 members of the constituent assembly, is a major cause of the dissolution of the constituent assembly.
While talking about which party is smaller and which is bigger – the world knows who is in the majority and how.
Firstly, the issue of majority is transparent, those who came in the party through the unification process, some of the comrades are fine, no argument there, but the majority of them are total rubbish.
We would be in the majority in the Maoist Party – in this situation; the fact is that there had been malevolent attempt to change the color of the party through the absolute unification. Secondly, talking about which party is larger – we can evidently claim that even though we are in the minority in the central committee  we have parallel party committees throughout the nation. If necessary we can demonstrate our strength. Thirdly, the issue of which party is bigger and which is smaller – perhaps this issue is not very significant.
Throughout history smaller parties have become bigger and the big ones have diminished. This is the way we have to understand the dialecticism of party unity. We have come through a long history. UCPN (Maoist) was also tiny in the initial phase. The issue of smaller and bigger – the party with correct thought, politics, ideology, which can substantiate politics in practice advancing resolutely in capacity of a genuine revolutionary communist party, acting in the interest of the country, people and proletariats expands. Those who betray the country and the people, gradually evaporate.
I have already clarified with whom we need to form a united front. A united front has to be formed. And we advance ahead forming a united front including the patriot republicans, leftists, federalists, women, workers and dalits. Another thing, the issue of party registration is the issue of conditional necessity. We will think about whether we should register the party and if we deem it is important then, we may register. If not we may not register at all because we are resolutely convinced that through parliamentarianism the people’s problems cannot be put to an end. Therefore, whether to register the party depends upon the situation.
On the question of comradeship with Prachanda and Baburam, we came throughout our life in comradeship with them. Now, we did not leave Prachanda and Baburam but they left us. We did not separate from the party as well but they split themselves ditching the political ideological line of the party. Therefore, now the issue of their class categorization is a real bizarre. An independent political line of Prachanda and Baburam has come to an end. What should we label those who are the puppets of foreign reactionaries and expansionism.? It is not possible to join neck together with the puppets. We cannot join our necks together with class capitulation-ists.
Our desire and proposal to them is that they have to break all ties with all sorts of reactionaries, only then can we go ahead together. As long as they have ties with those reactionaries, we don’t trust them.
Q: – As heard, you are ambiguous about whether to go for people’s war or people’s revolt? What is your say on the question of corruption thought have taken place in cantonments? How will you treat the journalists?
A: – We are not ambiguous about whether to go for People’s War or People’s Revolt.
Firstly, we will revolt for new democracy against parliamentarianism. We don’t acknowledge parliamentarianism. The democratic republic, the aged-decayed parliamentarianism of which all the parties here sing the retro song of democracy deafeningly, that democracy has completely failed, the Constituent Assembly has also failed. Therefore, as an alternative, in the interest of the country and the people we move ahead to establish New Democratic Republic in Nepal against Feudalism, Imperialism and Neo-Colonialism. This is our key agenda. To attain this goal, if asked how we move ahead, both ways, legal and underground, a revolutionary party can utilize every essential method. We came to he peace negotiation honestly. When we arrived only the Maoists had to make all the compromises but now we don’t compromise up to this excess.
So that is beyond doubt, if necessary – People’s War or People’s Revolt, anything can happen, this is the key issue.
And you talk about money and corruption in the cantonments; I’m not here to talk about that. This is not the place to investigate corruption. So lets not talk about these things here. People are finding out where there has been mischief; most definitely the revolutionary members of the people’s liberation army are investigating it. That space is there. On your query about the role of Baburam-Prachanda while our arrest took place in India, but these are not things that only we look into. This can be a case of serious investigation. This is also something that the masses and you people (journalists) can look into. Our journalist friends are very far-sighted, introspective and detail oriented. I am convinced that you will help us through this. We want to respect the media on how media is being treated. We will continue to fight for the rights of working class journalists; we will fight for the rights of working class people.
What we are worried about is that in the veil of professional journalism, mission journalism happens, and that is not a good thing. Let this not be a main issue, and we will respect you. If any shortcomings on our part we are committed to self-criticism.

India - Mass Protest of anti-tribal state violence–at Parliament in New Delhi, India (July 31, 2012)



for more information, see:
http://www.icawpi.org/en/peoples-resistance/statements/854-protest-against-massacre-of-20-adivasi-villegers-in-bijaqpur-chhattisgarh

india: Protest demand release of Maruti-Suzuki workers and Rotten conditions for autoworkers worsen, and rebellion grows-


Maruti Crisis: Protestors demand release of innocent workers
By Abu Zafar, newzfirst.com, July 21, 2012
dsc_0052.jpgNEW DELHI – A large number of people Saturday protested against the repression of workers at Maruti Suzuki plant, a leading car manufacturer and urged government to act against management of the company and to release innocent workers, who were arrested following violence inside the plant on last Wednesday.
The protestors, who gathered outside Haryana Bhavan, shouting the slogans against Bhupinder Hooda, the chief minister of Haryana and the management of Maruti Suzuki Company, accused the management of repressing the workers of the factory since a year.
Addressing the gathering of protestors, Shivkumar of Inquilabi Mazdoor Kendra said, “Workers had long pending resentment against the officials of management, who used to harass and abuse the workers for trivial issues.”
He also expressed the deep anguish over the entire episode and death of Awanish Kumar Dev. “We grieve over this unfortunate and painful incident. And also deplore the move to make others scapegoat for this.”
He also held management of the plant, labor department and administration responsible for the entire incident.
dsc_0063.jpgIn Wednesday’s clash between workers and management staff, a senior executive was killed and scores were injured. The management had pointed the finger at workers for the violence inside the plant premises. Police have arrested about a hundred workers in this case.
Protestors also accused the management for the violent developments, who according to them called in the bouncers to brutally attack the workers.
Protestors in the memorandum sent to chief minister of Haryana also demanded an impartial probe by an independent agency. They also demanded thorough investigation of security in-charge of the plant, who according to protestors, will be in better position to reveal about the bouncers.
Members of about two dozens of social and labor organizations joined the demonstration.

[This week's militant rebellion and workstoppage of autoworkers at the Maruti Suzuki plant in the Delhi area has brought with it typical (unsubstantiated) bourgeois media speculation about Maoists or Naxalites sparking the whole thing off.  But, as Mao Zedong said, "Where there is oppression, there follows resistance."  It is the oppressive character of capitalist exploitation itself that gives rise to the rebellion of the workers--at times, beyond the limits of trade unionist arrangements.  In this article, by RUPE's journal "Aspects of India's Economy" the changing conditions the autoworkers are confronting, are described. -- Frontlines ed.]

————————————————

Behind the Present Wave of Unrest in the Auto Sector

“Motown braces for wage revisions after three years”, reads a headline in the Business Standard on April 6, referring to wage negotiations in the Gurgaon-Manesar auto belt. “Haridwar factories brew Manesar-like labour situation” warns another headline in the same paper, reporting strikes at two major auto parts suppliers. The Reserve Bank of India, in its latest “Monetary and Macroeconomic Developments”, warns of the “pressure on generalised inflation from sustained increase in wage costs”.
What is happening to industrial wage levels? Is the prosperity of which the ruling establishment speaks now ‘trickling down’ to workers? Do workers now have the upper hand, and are they grabbing a bigger share of value added?
The last few years have indeed seen a rise in labour unrest, particularly in the auto and auto parts sector. Among the prominent instances are: Mahindra (Nashik), May 2009 and March 2011; Sunbeam Auto (Gurgaon), May 2009; Bosch Chassis (Pune), July 2009; Honda Motorcycle (Manesar), August 2009; Rico Auto (Gurgaon), August 2009, including a one-day strike of the entire auto industry in Gurgaon; Pricol (Coimbatore), September 2009; Volvo (Hoskote, Karnataka), August 2010; MRF Tyres (Chennai), October 2010 and June 2011; General Motors (Halol, Gujarat), March 2011; Maruti Suzuki (Manesar), June-October 2011; Bosch (Bangalore), September 2011; Dunlop (Hooghly), October 2011; Caparo (Sriperumbudur, Tamil Nadu), December 2011; Dunlop (Ambattur, Tamil Nadu), February 2012; Hyundai (Chennai) April and December 2011-January 2012; and so on.
Unrest is not limited to the auto industry, but it has been centered there. The auto industry has grown very rapidly in the last few years: From 8.5 million vehicles (including two wheelers, three wheelers, passenger vehicles and commercial vehicles) in 2004-05, production has risen to 20.4 million in 2011-12. Passenger car production has risen from 1.2 million vehicles in 2004-05 to 3 million in 2010-11 (and probably further in 2011-12). The auto industry is a well-known ‘success story’ of the rapid growth of the last decade, and the Government is set on making India a global manufacturing ‘hub’ for automobiles, with the help of large State subsidies.1
On the other hand, it is a well-kept secret that real wages in the auto sector – i.e., after discounting for inflation – actually fell continuously in the period 2000-01 to 2009-10. (The latest data available from the Annual Survey of Industries [ASI] are for 2009-10.) True, annual wages in the motor vehicles industry rose in nominal terms from Rs 79,446 in 2000-01 to Rs 88,671 in 2004-05 to Rs 109,575 in 2009-10.
However, the Consumer Price Index for Industrial Workers (CPI-IW) consistently rose more steeply than wages. So real wages in the auto industry fell 18.9 per cent between 2000-01 and 2009-10. (See Chart 1.)
Chart 1

On the other hand, net value added2 per auto worker has been rising, barring a dip in the years of the slowdown in the economy. Each worker added value of Rs 2.9 lakh in 2000-01; this figure rose by 2009-10 to Rs 7.9 lakh (see Chart 2).
Chart 2

Naturally, wages as a share of value added have been falling, as can be seen in Chart 3. In 2000-01 workers’ wages were 27.4 per cent of value added. By 2009-10, the ratio had fallen to 15.4 per cent.
To put this in Marxist terms, let us think of the working day as made up of two parts. In one part the worker works to generate his/her subsistence (and that of his/her family, thereby ensuring there will be
Chart 3
workers in future as well). In that time, the value the worker adds to the inputs is equivalent to the wage he/she gets.3 But the worker can’t stop working at that point, because the capitalist has bought his/her capacity to work (labour power) for the full working day. (And the worker, owning no means of production, has no choice but to sell that labour power in order to survive.) He/she continues to labour for the rest of the working day, whether it be a day of 8, 10, 12, or 16 hours. The additional hours are surplus labour time, which we can also express in money terms. This goes to the capitalist. Of course, the capitalist also may pay, out of the surplus, interest to banks, rent to the owner of the land, wages to management personnel, and so on, but all these others take a share of the surplus through the capitalist.
In these terms, we can say that in 2000-01, an auto worker spent 2 hours 12 minutes of an 8-hour shift working for his4 own subsistence and that of his family. He spent most of the remaining 5 hours and 48 minutes generating surplus for the capitalist (and the banks, landowners, management personnel, and so on). By 2009-10, the ratio had deteriorated: The auto worker now spent just 1 hour 12 minutes working for his own subsistence and that of his family, and the remaining 6 hours 48 minutes working largely for the capitalist.5
How did this deterioration take place? It was not merely a story of growing worker productivity, the ability to produce more per hour with new technology. As we saw above, workers’ wages actually fell in real terms by almost one-fifth. Active class struggle was being waged – by the employers against the workers.
One major front of this class struggle is the unwritten law against the formation of independent unions in the auto sector. Perhaps the single most important demand of the workers in recent agitations has been the right to form their own union; in most cases workers have still not been successful in doing so. Methods employed by the employers include sacking, foisting of criminal cases, beating, and even killing. The German auto parts manufacturer Bosch successfully resisted three attempts at formation of a union. The story is the same everywhere – Hyundai, Hero Honda, Wonjin, Maruti Suzuki, Graziano, Rico Auto. When 1,800 casual workers of the Dharuvera plant of Hero Honda sought to join the union of their choice, cases under the Arms Act and Section 307 of the Indian Penal Code (attempt to murder) were filed against the leaders.6
In Rico Auto, Gurgaon, workers were attacked by thugs in 2009, leading to the death of one worker. In the Maruti agitation of 2011, the Haryana labour department, indeed the entire Haryana government, operated like a wing of the management. Auto firms are shifting their operations to Gujarat, quite blatantly stating that they are doing so in order to “union-proof” their production (i.e., they hope Mr Modi will take care of such troublemakers).
An equally important, and complementary, method of wage-depression is the hiring of contract, ‘trainee’, and ‘apprentice’ workers, at a fraction of the wages of the permanent workers. According to news reports, in the Gurgaon-Manesar-Bawal zone outside Delhi, which accounts for about 60 per cent of auto production in India, 80 per cent of the estimated one million workers are hired on contract.7 In Maruti Suzuki’s Manesar plant, there were 970 permanent workers, 400-500 ‘trainees’, 1,100 contract workers, and 200-300 ‘apprentices’.8 The situation is no different elsewhere in India. An Institute of Economic Growth survey of workers in West Bengal and Gujarat found that 60-70 per cent of workers in manufacturing were contract labour – a figure three three times that in the Annual Survey of Industries for those states (ASI data are drawn from returns submitted by companies themselves).9The last two decades have witnessed a massive growth in the share of contract labour in the industrial workforce, even as the total workforce has grown at a paltry rate.
Contract workers have been worst hit by price rise, since their wages are not indexed. They have seen a steep fall in real wages. They have reached the limit of their tolerance, and are now fighting back. It is the attempt of workers to make up a part of their real wage losses over the last decade, and particularly the last few years, or at least to prevent a further slide, that accounts for their current increased militancy.
Of course, auto workers are merely an outstanding instance of a general trend. As can be seen from Charts 4 and 5, real wages in 2009-10 in the factory sector as a whole were lower than in 2000-01, though the decline was not as steep as in the auto sector. And wages as a proportion of value added in the factory sector saw a steady decline over the period.
Chart 4This is the background to the rising incidence of what the media refer to as violence – i.e., not the routine violence of the management, but the resistance of the workers. Two recent examples: At Yanam (a pocket near Kakinada, A.P., which belongs to Puducherry), 800 contract workers of Regency Ceramics were on strike in January 2012 demanding
Chart 5
permanency and wage revision. The police attacked their picket lines on January 27, killing their union president and injuring some others. The enraged workers retaliated by attacking the president of the company, resulting in his later death, and ransacking and burning various properties of the owners. In Gurgaon, on March 19, 2012, contract workers of Orient Craft (a garment exporter that supplies international chains such as Tommy Hilfiger, DKNY and the Gap) protested being docked two days’ pay for taking leave on Sunday. In response, a contractor attacked a worker with a pair of scissors. The thousand-strong workforce retaliated by burning down company vehicles and a police car. The court released the contractor on bail and sent the arrested workers to custody.
According to Labour Bureau data, the fall in real wages is not restricted to industrial labour. Remarkably, despite the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGS), real wages in the rural areas too fell during the period 2004-05 to 2008-9.10 This might be bad news for industries producing cheap mass consumption goods, but they make up less and less of the corporate sector. Low rural wages, and low rural incomes overall, have been good news for the corporate sector in another sense: they have helped depress industrial wages, because the alternative in the villages has been so bleak.



Notes:
1. See Aspects of India’s Economy no. 45, http://www.rupe-india.org/44/private.html (back)
2. The difference between the value of the physical inputs and the value of the output, minus depreciation. (back)
3. To simplify this example, we ignore the need to replace worn-out machinery and other conditions of production. (back)
4. Almost all auto workers are male. (back)
5. These are the shares between one worker and the capitalist; but of course the capitalist gets the surplus generated by all the workers in his factory. So in a factory of 1,000 workers, the capitalist gets 6,800 hours of surplus labour per day. (back)
6. “MNCs can’t wish unions away”, Heena Khan, Business Line (22/9/2011). (back)
7. “Maruti workers-management talks to resume today”, Business Standard (6/6/2011). (back)
8. “Workers’ struggle in Maruti-Suzuki”, Prasenjit Bose and Sourindra Ghosh, Hindu (28/9/2011). (back)
9. 60-70 per cent of industrial workers in Bengal, Gujarat are contract labour”, Business Line (22/7/2009). (back)
10. See Yoshifumi Usami, “A Note on Recent Trends in Wage Rates”, Review of Agrarian Studies, Vol. I, no. 1, January-June 2011, http://ras.org.in/a_note_on_recent_trends_in_wage_rates_in_rural_india. Usami writes: “nominal wage rates grew fast, but the deflator, i.e. Consumer Price Index for Agricultural Labour and Consumer Price Index for Rural Labour, rose much faster.” For some data of 2009-10, see http://www.business-standard.com/india/news/the-truth-behind-rural-wages-in-india/452453/. (back)