The European Summit held
in late June, hailed as a victory for Italy and Spain supported by
France and as a partial defeat for Merkel, can not yet be considered
a real and important step for European governments to face in
conditions of larger unity the financial crisis by which are
affected. It should be seen from different sides: the relationships
between the different European countries, the relationships within
the European countries, the overall scenario of the relationship
between governments, proletarians and masses in Europe.
The
relationships between the different european countries.
It is clear that the fall
of Sarkozy has temporarily weakened the Franco-German axis, which
hitherto had been a strong point, particularly for the German
Government, that through this axis was able to impose its policy. The
so-called "Merkozy" can not be quickly turned into the
"Merkhollande".
In the course of the
Summit, this has encouraged the action of Italian and Spanish
governments in demanding a stronger and and less expensive support as
a counterpart to the strict policies they are applying. In this
sense, indeed, the Spanish and Italian governments have achieved on
paper a result, that is concentrated on the points concerning the
mechanism "safe-spreads" and the "save-states"
Fund, ie an almost automatic intervention for the access and the use
of this Fund to counter the speculation and recapitalize the support
to the banking system whenever it is in serious difficulties. But it
will be seen whether this is actually implemented , because the the
words of the agreement "in a flexible and effective way"
give room for interpretations which leave the command baton
essentially in the hands of Germany.
The summit also produced
an opening to the Eurobonds, in the form of the so-called "project
bonds" that should be used to finance infrastructure works,
basically a plan for a growth based almost exclusively on this. on
this has weighed the partial change of policy made by the Hollande
government , closer to the Eurobond setting than the Sarkozy
government . In this sense, Merkel had to take a step back compared
to rigid statements of recent weeks.
Internally in Germany,
this has been reflected in motions within the parliament. Some
members of the majority disagreed, replaced by SPD opposition
parliamentaries which support the policies approved by Merkel at the
summit. It is too early to see whether these changes in relationships
between governments reflect real political changes.
The relationships
within the European countries.
Among these
countries, the governments of Italy, Spain and the new French have
scored a point in favour to the consistency
of their parliamentary majorities and also to their internal system
relationships - employers, banks, etc.- while we have already said
that the government German meets a phase of lower internal
consistency.
The Europe
as a whole takes from this passage an advantage in the overall
international dispute, because it gives a sign of greater internal
unity. Again, it is still too early to estimate whether this
constitutes a signal towards a greater integration and unity as bloc.
The
overall scenario of the relationship between governments,
proletarians and masses in Europe.
From this perspective, the
summit marked a victory of the bourgeoisie and a very bad thing for
the proletariat and the masses.
Generally, is still
correct what we always pointed out: in the crisis, the bourgeoisie
unloads on the proletarians and masses the effects of it to safeguard
the system and profits and the proletarians are victims to sacrifice
on the altar of the safeguard and recovery of profits. Every step in
this direction weakens the working class and strengthens the
bourgeoisie. The proletarians have no interest on the exit of the
crisis of the bourgeoisie, because the only exit from the crisis that
is on benefit the workers is one that involves the overthrow of the
bourgeoisie and the exit from capitalism.
The Summit definitely
confirms this view. The Italian and Spanish governments have relied
on the strength that came from having been able to realize internally
the so-called "reforms" that deeply attacked the
proletariat and the masses.
In Spain, the only
countertendency that has currently emerged is the great struggle of
miners of Asturias, whose strong resistance challenges the State,
bosses and government in a situation of social conflict in which the
"indignados" and the so-called left opposition forces have
disappeared - we should not include in these the Socialist Party of
the former premier Zapatero, which easily surrendered to the new
government because it shares the policy and basic interests.
In Italy the
situation is even worse than in Spain. Monti resulted the moral and
practical winner of this summit and it is
due to having been able to implement economic measures against the
workers and the people, the strategic pensions reform and the even
more strategic labor reform. Monti becomes a giant in Europe thanks
to the social bloc that supports him, the bosses, parliamentary
parties and official unions and due to lack of resistance and social
revolt by the workers and broad masses.
The Monti's and Italian
victory at the summit certifies the defeat of the proletarians of
Italy, who pay with tears and blood the cost of the crisis, opposing
a too weak resistance.
The change of
government from Berlusconi to Monti was healthy for the bourgeoisie
and gave to the current bourgeois government a seat at the table of
the bosses of Europe, with an active role, while it has been just the
opposite for the proletarians and the masses. The decay, human,
political and moral of Berlusconi and his government who had
expressed the point of maximum weakness for
the bourgeoisie as a whole, has been replaced by a strong government
with free hands, that has translated into practice the modern fascism
as dictatorship of technicians and imposed, without a fight, policies
that strike at the heart the condition of workers and proletarians,
their achievements in the past decades, of which the Article. 18 of
the Labor Code is rightly a symbol.
Any strengthening of the
government in the crisis goes along with the weakening of the
proletariat, lacking it a political and social resistance.
The Brussels Summit
encourages the European bourgeoisies to go ahead on their road,
whatever the name of their governments, whatever the majority that
supports them. They are all basically governments of national unity,
that is 'business committees' and repressive State apparatuses.
Encouraged by the Summit,
the Monti government prepares new devastating measures that behind
words "spending review" conceals the fierce cuts like in
Greece, even though we are not in the conditions of Greece.
The new attacks on the
health care, the public sector employment are not partial attacks but
a further link of the reactionary transformation of the State and the
relationship between State, social spending, living conditions of
proletarians and the masses.
Even if
a part of the trade union movement and of the Left Opposition develop
parts of this complaint, the overall framework of the situation is
denied, obscured, diluted and therefore, beyond the words, they do
not struggle really against it.
The pensions reform
was not to pass, the labor reform and the attack on article 18 were
not to pass, the announced new “spending review” reform is not to
pass, as well as in the factories, the Marchionne’s plan and the
bosses’ fascism were not to pass, nor it
was to pass the systematic use of the Police State, the trials,
arrests, fines, persecutions that daily hit those who oppose, the No
Tav movement like the unemployed in Taranto, the immigrant workers in
Basiano, the local movements, up to the students and anti-fascists.
But so far all this
has passed. Government, bosses and the State did not pay any serious
political price. Therefore, the situation, instead of getting better,
worsens.
The levels of
consciousness of the workers and the masses did not grow.
Some struggles,
cries, anger, indignation, electoral abstention testified that a
potential of struggle and rebellion certainly exists as well as a
willingness of the proletariat and the masses to respond with the
struggle, and even something more than the struggle, to the front
attack of which they are target, but it weighs the lack of the even
basic tools for a general answer.
The lack of these tools
does not depend mainly on objective conditions, but on the subjective
conditions and organizational forms that still exist in the ranks of
the proletariat and the masses: unions firmly on the side of the
bosses, CISL and UIL, and unions firmly in defense of the State and
the general interest of the bosses, even when they have
contradictions with the government, or single decisions of the
bosses.
The role of played the
CGIL in the devastating escalation of unloading the crisis on the
working class is even more harmful than that of the trade unions
openly on the side of the bosses, because it aims at a consultation
from the outside that is a decisive glue to make pass the plans of
bosses and government.
The ambiguous role
of the Fiom, with one foot in and one foot out, remains a weak link
of the workers' resistance and the necessary resumption of a general
struggle.
Among the most radical
union opposition forces and the movements, the lack of understanding
the nature and forms with which to carry out this fight does not help
to build, despite the efforts, the strength for the counteroffensive.
They do not understand or want to understand that in order to defy
the government, bosses, the State we have to win the the
two-lines-struggle and the "civil war" within the working
class and the mass movements against the opportunist and reformist
positions and groupings, of which the various former parliamentary
left transformists are part, Casarini, Bernocchi, etc.
The flag of the
current struggle is not and should not be the unity, but rather the
struggle for unity based on the clearness about what is the battle to
do and the lot at stake. we need the unity of the communists for a
genuine revolutionary Party, in theory and practice, we need the
unity for a union of class and mass, going beyond the current base
unions and anomalous FIOM, we need the unity for a people's and
proletarian Front that puts the struggle
and fight at the centre of its activity.
If we were to watch
the outcome of EU summit, objectively we should be very optimistic,
the economic solutions of this Summit have no future. As someone
correctly observed, these solutions have been already applied in the
US, under conditions in which they can work better, and there they
are not restraining the crisis, but rather
are preparing a new outbreak, in some ways tragic for the world
economy.
Europe follows the
path of US in much worse conditions and thus the "historical"
measures approved at last Summit will soon prove to be "talk and
badge". Clearly, this optimism just make us say that there are
now, and can grow in the future, the conditions for an adequate
response of the proletariat and the masses. Each signal in this
direction, whatever the country from which it comes, must be seen as
an encouragement and indication - see the ongoing Asturian miners
great strike, but also the students strike in Quebec, as well as the
hundreds of outbreaks in all countries,
including ours.
Marching along its
road, the Monti government sows wind and can
reap storm, and every step of its march may be the 'spark that
ignites the prairie'.
Proletari comunisti-
PCm Italy 3rd
of July 2012.
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